The government groups that are formed in the Cabildo of Lanzarote have not ended up united since 1987

The last government group that remained united in the Cabildo of Lanzarote from the beginning to the end of the mandate was the one presided over by Enrique Pérez Parrilla (PSOE) with an absolute majority after the second democratic elections, between 1983 and 1987. Since then, only Pérez Parrilla himself and Nicolás de Páiz have been able to finish a four-year term, but with different government pacts.

The first president of the Cabildo in the democratic era was Antonio Lorenzo, today the official chronicler of Arrecife. Lorenzo won with an absolute majority representing the UCD with 11 councilors, compared to 5 from the PSOE and one independent. He finished the mandate but not without problems, because several councilors left him.

In 1983, the PSOE achieved an absolute majority in what was the first mandate of Pérez Parrilla, with 12 councilors. In 1987, Nicolás de Páiz won, with the CDS, achieving 10 councilors compared to nine from the PSOE and two from the AIL of the then mayor of Yaiza, Honorio García Bravo, who supported De Páiz. On the CDS lists was Dimas Martín, who was the mayor of Teguise and already aspired to something more than being a mere councilor. The president ended up dismissing Dimas and García Bravo and had to govern in minority, relying on the PSOE from time to time.

In 1991, the newly created Partido de Independientes de Lanzarote (PIL) of Dimas Martín won by an absolute majority, with 12 councilors compared to six from the PSOE and three from the CDS. Even so, he fails to finish. Martín receives his first disqualification due to a judicial conviction and is replaced in August 1993 by Chana Perera, the first woman at the head of the Cabildo of Lanzarote. That is where the first of the PIL splits occurs, in which some councilors choose to ally with Dimas and others against him.

From that mandate on, there will not be a single one in the Cabildo of Lanzarote without its corresponding motion of censure or its attempt aborted by another maneuver. Dimas Martín prepared one against his former colleagues and Pérez Parrilla accedes to the presidency in June 1994, with the PSOE, also supported by the CDS.

1995 arrives and the PIL wins again. The president is on this occasion Juan Carlos Becerra, who lasts just over a year, supported by three councilors from Coalición Canaria led by Juan Ramírez. Becerra resigns because the second great split of the PIL is brewing but leaves his colleague Pedro de Armas in the presidency, who appoints him CEO of Inalsa. Becerra and De Armas set up the Partido Nacionalista de Lanzarote (PNL) that they still lead and that will end up integrating into Coalición Canaria. De Armas is subjected to a motion of censure in March 1997 by those who remain faithful to Dimas's PIL together with the PSOE and Pérez Parrilla returns to the presidency.

PACT FOR LANZAROTE

In 1999, the PIL also wins, this time with Dimas Martín as a candidate, but only achieves seven councilors, compared to the six of PSOE and CC and the two of the PP. The so-called Pacto por Lanzarote is signed against the PIL between the other three forces, tired of the instabilities of the islanders. Before the motion of censure is presented to him, Martín and the rest of the councilors of his party renounce being elected and Enrique Pérez Parilla ascends to the presidency with the support of CC and PP.

The pact lasts very little and the PSOE ends up incorporating the PIL councilors into the government group, among whom Dimas is no longer there due to his problems with justice. From 2003 onwards, things get even more complicated, if possible. The Cabildo goes from electing 21 councilors to 23. Dimas Martín wins with eight councilors, followed by Manuel Fajardo's PSOE with six, CC with Mario Pérez with five, Francisco Cabrera's PP with three and Alternativa Ciudadana with one, who will be the only councilor who does not govern during those four years.

Dimas had presented himself with a final conviction on his shoulders but with a pardon pending from the Council of Ministers that is denied. He had agreed with CC and enters prison in January 2004 but does not resign and Mario Pérez remains as acting president, who lasts until July. Finally he resigns and Juan Pedro Hernández, who was the number two of the PIL and mayor of Teguise, resigns from the presidency, so María José Docal (PIL) remains as president.

ANOTHER SPLIT

Then comes the third split of the PIL. The majority of the councilors move to CC and prepare a motion of censure together with the PP to make the popular Francisco Cabrera president. Docal resigns with the motion already presented in February 2005 and Cabrera accedes to the presidency. Only three months later, Adán Martín dismisses the PP in the Government of the Canary Islands and Soria takes revenge by ordering Cabrera to dismiss the nationalist councilors.

Thus, Cabrera is left in minority and is the victim of a new motion of censure signed by some CC councilors, defectors from the PIL and the PSOE, who make Inés Rojas president, who had presented herself in number 4 of the PIL. That pact does not even reach the end of the mandate because a few months before it ends, Rojas dismisses the socialist councilors.

PSOE AND PIL AGAIN

In 2007, the PSOE led by Manuela Armas wins and agrees again with the PIL, with six councilors each, while CC with six, PP with three and the PNL of Becerra, who had separated from CC, with two, remain in the opposition. In October 2009, after Armas dismissed the PIL after Operation Unión, the four parties allied against the PSOE and made Pedro San Ginés president (who had presented himself in number 3) since Inés Rojas had resigned to go to the Government of the Canary Islands and Manuel Fajardo Feo did not agree with the motion and resigned.

In May of last year, CC won followed by the PP and they joined in a stability pact that has lasted nine months. San Ginés has just added the PSOE to his government group in the last chapter of instabilities on an island in which almost all the town councils have also suffered in a more or less parallel way to the Cabildo their resignations, motions of censure and changes of government groups. But that is another story.

SG-ACN